Wednesday, October 3, 2018

Kyoto Journal 92 Reviews: A History of the Kaifeng Israelites




A History of the Kaifeng Israelites:
Encounters with Israelites in Chinese Literature
(Outskirts Press 2018)
 by Tiberiu Weisz.

Review published in Kyoto Journal 92

        By Any Other Name...

In writing this book I set my goal to identify the name of the Israelites in Chinese literature, and trace their history to their earliest presence there. 

This intriguing monograph tells the story of the Kaifeng Israelites whose origin has been shrouded in mystery and a matter of some controversy since they first appeared under Western eyes when Matteo Ricci met one of them in Beijing in 1605. Their history was recorded in four stone stelae, first translated by Bishop White, an Anglican missionary working in China, in 1924. According to White and the bulk of scholarly opinion since then, the Kaifeng Israelites had existed in China since some time in the Northern Song Dynasty (960 – 1127CE).
Weisz contends that contact between the Hebrews and the Chinese started probably sometime around 980BCE. If this is true, Israelite presence would have left traces in the historical records kept by the Chinese since their earliest dynasties. Where other commentators, both Chinese and Western, ancient and contemporary, have failed to find such traces, Weisz claims to have found records of very early interaction between the two civilisations. Here he takes us through the evidence, from the very earliest shī jīng (Book of Poetry) to the stelae themselves.
Part of the problem, he asserts, is that ancient Chinese historians and commentators had no characters with which to describe the Israelites, and furthermore, that where such traces of the Israelites’ presence did exist, they have been hidden by mistranslations and misconceptions, and, crucially, in linguistic changes occurring throughout China’s long history. Weisz offers new translations of hitherto largely ignored, misunderstood or mistranslated characters in the literature, in particular the character yóu, and the collocation 椎髻 zhui ji, and new interpretations of the literature based on those translations.
The character yóu in classical Chinese means something like ‘as’, ‘like’ ‘similar to’, and the combination 猶人yóu rén was frequently (mis)understood as meaning ‘like this person’, ‘like this man’. Weisz contends that this character stood for the Jewish religion, and that the combination actually means ‘Jew’. He traces it through several canonical works of Chinese historiography and literature, carefully unpacking the real meaning from the accumulation of misreadings. The collocation椎髻 zhui ji appears in the書經shū jīng (Book of Documents), where it is used to describe a “strange headdress” worn by a people beyond the far Western reaches of the Chinese Empire. Weisz asserts that this is in fact either a description of the payot, the earlocks worn by Orthodox Jews, or the mitznefet, the turban worn by the Jewish high priest when serving in the Tabernacle. However, when the Book of Documents was rendered into simplified characters in the 1950s, these rather obscure characters were changed to the more well-known 多须 () duō xū, which are close synonyms in Chinese, but which more accurately means “lots of whiskers.” Subsequent scholars working from modern editions of the Classics have therefore missed these references to the Israelites.  “This simple substitution greatly impacted the story of the Kaifeng Israelites. It altered the meaning of the text, changed the historical context and more worrisome, erased the identification of the tribe… ,” writes Weisz. Weisz lays out his theory with meticulous readings of classical Chinese texts in the light of Jewish culture, displaying the most awesome erudition and deep understanding of Chinese culture as he does so. In this he is extending his earlier work on new translations of the Kaifeng stelae (2006) and a comparative study of Chinese and Hebrew cultures (2008). 
The problem, as I see it, is a certain circularity in his argument. The character yóu quite uncontroversially stands for  “Jew” or “Jewish” in modern Chinese. Lin Yu Tang in his dictionary of 1972 assigns this meaning to the character, and it has this meaning in the vernacular. Weisz finds the evidence because he is looking for it, but there are dangers inherent in reading our present knowledge into the past. Likewise, Weisz’s method of cultural comparison might be regarded by some as an illuminating practice but by others as the worst kind of Orientalism. When he implies that Laozi’s famous description in chapter 80 of the道德經 (dào dé jīng) of the ideal kingdom could be a description of the Kingdom of Israel during the time of King Solomon; and that Laozi must have “incorporated several of Solomon’s sayings in his writings” because he is known to have journeyed to the West and may conceivably have encountered Jews there (ignoring the facts that the道德經dào dé jīng is believed to have been composed before Laozi’s legendary journey and that Laozi himself is an entirely mythical figure), one feels that Weisz’s enthusiasm for his theory has got the better of his caution as a historian.
Weisz’s book is nonetheless fascinating, especially for students of Classical Chinese, for readers interested in Jewish or Chinese culture, and for anyone with an interest in preserving cultural identity when living for an extended period in an alien culture.

Quentin Brand lives and teaches in Taiwan

Thursday, July 5, 2018

Book Review : In the Crook of the Rock

In The Crook of The Rock:
Jewish Refuge in a World Gone Mad
By Vera Schwarcz
(Academic Studies Press 2018)

Reviewed by Tiberiu Weisz

This book evokes deep personal and cultural transformations of a six year old Jewish girl who was uprooted from her home in a small town in Poland in 1940, and forced to travel from country to country, from culture to culture, from one part of the world to the other, without papers.  She became overnight a refugee, with no place to go. At the time, very few countries issued visa to Jewish refugees, so she joined the fleeing  European Jews to board the Trans-Siberian Railway in Russia even when they knew that “they could be dragged off the train at any point and sent to one of the many gulags…” (P.50).

Chaya Leah Walkin was caught in the whirlwind of World War II and her story is told in a cross cultural context of a Jewish girl with pleasant memories of Japan where she enjoyed: “ the beauty, the cleanest, the flowers, the gardens… the school I attended, and the Japanese friends and neighbors.” (p.54). In contrast “ in Shanghai, you always had to watch your back... you could not trust anyone. It was an “unterwelt” – a corrupt country”. (p.84)

 In the Crook of the Rock reads like a trip that Schwarcz could had lived through Chaya on this personal journey. Schwarcz bridged the gulf between her generation and that of Chaya through the words of Shir Ha’Shirim, The Song of Songs. “Following Chaya Leah’s childhood through the alleys around Liaoyang Road, I managed to find a story and a voice that countered the madness of the heartless world” (p. 290). Schwarcz followed Chaya through her childhood  (born in 1934), through events that led to her and her family being uprooted from her home in a small town of 500 Jews in Poland, through the cold and frightening train ride across Siberia, to the pleasant reception in Japan, and the cruel realities of Shanghai. Under these extraordinary circumstances, Chaya survived abiding by the Jewish customs of the Torah, by adapting to the circumstances in Japan and to the ghetto life in Shanghai.

I could not think of a more qualified author to portray Chaya Leah Walkin than Vera Schwarcz. Professor Schwarcz was born in Romania, raised in the Jewish Orthodox tradition, studied China and taught Chinese at Wesleyan university until her retirement. She has maintained a personal relationship with the heroine of the book, Chaya, and it is evident that they became emotionally close. She vividly described the personal feelings of this little girl who experienced both the Jewish  Hakarat ha tov –“ a conscious effort to express indebtedness in a world devoid of concern for refugees” (p.285) and at the same time a similar Chinese  concept of en “ reason over heart – kindness appreciation of being alive” (p.286).

While the government of Japan and China have lately taken credit for their en to the Jewish refugees in Shanghai, Chaya Leah expressed particular gratitude to Sugihara,  the Japanese  consul in Russia, who issued transit visas to Jewish refugees via Japan, and to Dr. Shen Fang Ho for “his heroic rescue of the Jews in Shanghai”. She was less generous in praising the many memorial services promoted by Chinese government to glorify their role in saving the Jews in Shanghai. In the eyes of Chaya, the Chinese just try to take credit for an inconvenient truth. “We were never fed by any Chinese organizations, no Chinese philanthropist or organizer sat on any of our committees…” (P. 284). In spite of the absence of en, the Chinese government shamelessly promotes exhibitions portraying “art from Shanghai Jewish ghetto”, which is nothing more than government commissioned paintings allegedly depicting imaginary life of the Jews in Shanghai ghetto.

Schwarcz felt that the voice of Chaya Leah was buried among “the numerous public commemoratives of the Jewish survival in Shanghai “ (p. 279) and it was time to commemorate a quieter voice that was “hidden in the rocks wanting to  sing her song”.

Chaya’s  voice was that of the the dove In the Crook of the Rock based on the Songs of Songs (2:14).

My dove in the crook on the rock,
In the hiding place of the steep.
Show me your visage,
Let me hear your voice.

Her voice “conveys the difficulties of surviving in the midst of hardship, the loneliness of being embedded in a foreign world” (p. xxix). This is Chaya Leah’s story.

The book is captivating, the narrative is flowing smoothly, though I found that on several occasion the in-depth supporting comments made my mind wander in other directions.  Yet they did not detract from the story. Schwarcz attained a delicate balance between the story of Chaya and a rebuttal of the glorification of the role of the Chinese government in the saga of the Shanghai Jews.

Tiberiu Weisz, author, has published a book and several articles on Judaism and China and two books about the Kaifeng Jews.





Friday, February 9, 2018

Villager features: Tiberiu Weisz, author



Author helps uncover 1,000-year history of Jew in China

By Dave Page
(Reprinted from Villager, January 31, 2018)

When Cyrus the Great of Persia conquered Babylonia in 538 B.C., he gave the enslaved Israelites permission to return to their homeland. The prophet Ezra led many Jews back to Palestine, but others were reluctant to give up their Gentile wives and instead traveled eastward with their families.
These “priests, nobles and Levites” many have ended up in India, according to Tiberiu Weisz, author of the newly published A History of the Kaifeng Israelites and a resident of Minneapolis’ Hiawatha neighborhood. Over the centuries, these Jews continued moving through Central Asia, perhaps working as horse traders on the western end of what is now known as the Silk Road, Weisz said. They eventually settled in Kaifeng, a Chinese city south of Beijing, at the invitation of Emperor Taizong (976-998).
Weisz has spent much of the past 15 years unraveling the back story of the Kaifeng Israelites, and he maintains that at least a handful of their descendants are still living in China and practicing a form of Judaism.
Weisz, who is Jewish, was born in 1950 in Romania and immigrated with his family to Israel in 1964. He graduated from high school in Israel and served in the military before moving to Ohio in 1974 to pursue a degree in Asian Studies at Oberlin College. After receiving his B.A. he earned a graduate degree at the University of Minnesota.
With and advanced degree in Asian Studies, Weisz found jobs translating contracts for American companies doing business in China. At a symposium for translators, a Japanese scholar noted how Westerners thought they could understand Chinese after studying for 100 years. “The Japanese have been studying Chinese for 1,000 years’, the scholar said, and still don’t understand it.” Weisz recalled.
The problem is that Chinese, like English language, has changed over the centuries. The same symbol can mean different things in different regions in China. Their meaning may also change depending on the character’s placement in a text. “So you have to know when, where and what context something in Chinese was written to truly begin to decipher its meaning,” Weisz said.
Weisz and some colleagues applied these lessons to their translation of the Kaifeng stelae, three ancient stone tablets that are each about the size of a desk and tell the story of what brought the Israelites to Kaifeng.
Modern scholars have relied on translations of the stelae by early 20th century Christian scholars. These scholars did not have a firm understanding of both Jewish and Chinese cultures, Weisz said, and there were bound to be errors in their interpretations. He thought he could do better.
The oldest of the stelae was carved in 1489 long after the Venetian explorer Marco Polo reported meeting Jews in the 13th century Beijing and well before the reports of Chinese Jews by early 17th century Jesuit missionaries.
Although the Kaifeng Israelites were Jewish by blood and religious practices, they were not recognized as such by Jewish authorities, according to Weisz. Jewish scribes around the 2nd century AD had affirmed that Judaism was matriarchal in descent, and the Kaifeng Israelites were descended from Jewish husbands and non-Jewish wives.
In the 12th century, these Israelites built a temple in Kaifeng that stood close to 700 years, until its destruction around the time of the American Civil War. Those who remained eventually sold off the temple land and the Torah scrolls and all but disappeared, according to Weisz. However, an Anglican bishop by name of Charles White recovered the stelae and incorporated the stone carvings into the cathedral he built in Kaifeng in the early 20th century. Today, the stelae are located in the Kaifeng Jewish Museum.
Weisz’s latest book is the third that he has written on the Kaifeng Israelites. Although it is not focused on the translation of the stelae, A History of the Kaifeng Israelites include illustrations of the tablets’ various interpretations by Weisz and White. The book also describes the ancient Chinese texts that appear to corroborate portions of the stelae or to shed light on incidents described in the stelae.
After 1,000 years of dispersal and assimilation into the Chinese culture, descendants of the Kaifeng Israelites “keep on resurfacing in unusual manners and places,” Weisz said.
At the end of the book, he includes an interview from the late 1990s with a woman called “L” who claimed to be descended from one of the original eight Jewish families in Kaifeng. The woman is quoted as saying her family “had a special Jewish sign that we touched when we entered or left the house.” L’s family also observed the Jewish Sabbath on Friday, according to Weisz, and they read a Chinese version of the traditional Jewish prayers.
The determination of the Kaifeng Israelites to maintain their religion after all those years is a lesson for everyone, according to Weisz.
“Mass extermination, genocide, holocaust and other means of eradicating minorities only strengthens their determination to fight for their beliefs and faith,” he said.

Sunday, January 28, 2018

Shangai Jews: The Berglas Plan

Shanghai Jews: The Berglas Plan

Tiberiu Weisz

Authors Note: Shanghai was an open city during WWII, under Japanese occupation. Refugees from all over could enter Shanghai without papers and stayed under the control of the Japanese military rule. While many works and articles have been published on the refugee conditions under the Japanese occupation, the Japanese treated the Jews as any other refugees, and the term of " kokusai nanmin " meant "international refugees" and not "Jewish refugees" as some articles and books had used the term. Upon reviewing the Japanese texts, I did not find any  reference to the word Jews in Japanese. This gross mistranslation lead many scholars to believe that "kukusai nanmin " referred to Jews, while in reality in Japanese it meant " of all the non-Chinese refugees".


Recently the Israeli government announced its decision to expel the African illegal immigrants from the country, with a $3500 cash allowance. This policy did not sit well with older Israelis and academics who signed a letter to the Prime Minister to stop such as act. They reminded the government that 75 years ago the Jews were at the receiving end of such a policy and it was not called “humanitarian gesture”. It was called “Final Solution” or the mass extermination of the Jews during the Holocaust. Some of the Jews who escaped the ordeal, and still live in Israel or the Diaspora, recall very vividly what was to be a “stateless refugee” with no place to go, to be in transit for weeks and months, or imprisoned, just because they were Jews. Some of these Jews swarmed like bees to the only place on earth that accepted them: Shanghai, China in 1939.

Their ordeal started with the Nazi decision to get rid of the “unwanted and poisonous” element within the Arayan people. Jews were the source of cancer in Germany and they had to be eradicated. But the incentive to leave Germany skyrocketed after the pogroms of November 9-10, 1938. First they were encouraged to sign papers requiring them to renounce their German citizenship in exchange for being allowed to leave the country before a certain date. Many Jews were forced to agree to hand over their property to the government, thus leaving themselves practically without means of survival. They had to leave the country by a certain date (usually less than a month) in exchange they were promised exit visas, and allowed to take with them 10 Reichmarks, and some personal belongings, However, exit visas were not enough to embark on a departing boat because they also needed entry visas from a hosting country. Western democracies refused to issue such entry visas, turning the fleeing Jews to “stateless citizens”. The US issued visa to German refugees only one in a hundred applicant, Australia granted a few visas while England granted none. The most generous was the Philippines allowing 400 refugees to Manila including women and children. Singapore and Hong Kong took in only 100 refugees each and Siam took in 20.
German Jews quickly found out that they had nowhere to go, they had no legal status and the only way out of Germany was though smuggling. Most smuggled were eventually arrested and taken into “no man land” between the two border police stations, without food, drink and shelter. In time they made their way back to the country which had just cast them out. The police found again and again, arrested them, and sent them back to the border again.

Others who were fortunate enough to obtain an entry visa to a country, embarked on a steamer to the country of destination, only to find out that by the time they arrived the government had revoked their visas or entry permit. Upon return, these “boat Jews” found themselves to be “stateless citizens”. The only place in the entire world that accepted them without passports, visas, or any questions was Shanghai, China.

Shanghai in 1939 was under Japanese occupation, ruled by the military.  The influx of the refugees in Shanghai was confined to Hongkew district in Shanghai where they were under the limited protection of the International Settlement authority. The city was already flooded with Chinese refugees fleeing the Japanese. With the addition of Russian, Germany and Europe refugees the city was overwhelmed in search of shelter, food and to make a living. Basic survival became a matter of reality and only the financial assistance of the American Jewry, the “stateless citizen” were spared of “digging their graves” in Shanghai.

Although the Japanese did not interfere in the daily life in the city itself, they had cut off all communication with the rest of China. Two Japanese military officers Colonel Yasue and Captain Inuzuka were appointed to formulate the kokusai nanmin, (international refugees) policy, erroneously translated as Jewish policy for Japan in 1938 and 1939. Refugees, including Jewish refugees were restricted to their already overcrowded quarters, and lack of basic necessities. Refugees could not leave Shanghai in search of employment in other parts of China. While the refugees escaped Europe with their lives, their new life in Shanghai started where the old ended, from concentration camps to refugee camps. Without money and jobs, Jewish refugees were dependent on the funds provided by the Shanghai Refugee Committee, which in turn got funding from various Jewish agencies around the world. The committee’s problem was how to shelter an feed the refugees with even the most basic necessities.

While most of the Jewish refugees struggled to be independent, they were limited by the lack of resources. Those with specific skills improved on their condition as they got a job, among them were bakers, butchers, waitresses, shopkeepers, seamstresses …the less fortunate were the professionals such as doctors, clerks, lawyers who had to the accept minimum standards provided by the refugee Committee. Thirty, forty and even fifty people had to sleep in the same room.  There was no privacy to write letters, reading or relaxing. Members of family were often separated from each other, husband sleeping in a room with other men while women with other women. There was no room for family discussions on important issues of their new life, nor on how to educate the children, or on how and where to look for work.

Towards the end of the summer of 1939, there were 15,500 Jewish refugees crowded in the densely populated shanghai. It was expected that this number would swell to 20,000 by the end of the year. The available charity funds were quite limited, and members of the committee dealing with the refugees were convinced that something must be done to move the increasingly great numbers of German refugees away from Shanghai. With more countries closing their doors to refugees, attention was focused upon the possibility of resettling them in the interior China. The plan worked out for this purpose called upon extensive financial assistance from the world Jewry, and an organized transfer of the Jews to Yunnan Province in Sothern China.

This plan was named after its author Jakob Berglas and called The Berglas Plan, who was hardly mentioned in any Jewish history books. I intend to elaborate in some details of this ambitious proposal.

In early 1939, Sun Ke, president of the Legislative Yuan (Chinese Legislature) formulated a plan to settle European Jewish refugees in southwest China. At the same time, the German Jewish businessman Jakob Berglas and the politically active American Jewish dentist Maurice William presented plans to both the Chinese Nationalist and U.S. governments to transplant European Jews to China. The Nationalists who have been harshly criticized for not confronting the invading Japanese, tried to impress the US with its Jewish policy to demonstrates that the Chinese Nationalists were determined not only to fight the war but also to use every possible tool, domestic and international, to win. It also illuminates how the “Jewish issue” complicated the relationships between China, Japan, Germany, and the United States before and during World War II.

According to this plan all the refugees moving to Yunnan would enjoy the protection of the Chinese Nationalist Government with the same rights and obligations as Chinese citizens. A special allowance of £ 50 would be given to each immigrant participating in this plan, a sum enough to live on for a year. During this transition period, refugees would be able to accommodate in their vocation, find jobs, open businesses and use their needed skill to develop the region.

Since Yunnan has a tropical climate refugees would have to undergo special adjustment of physical and intellectual education to adapt to the environment. Then the refugees would be transported in an organized manner to the new province. A new transportation department would be set up with a capital investment of £ 50,000 and they would be responsible for the relocation from Shanghai to Yunnan and also of the shipping of equipment acquired abroad.  This department would be also responsible to the necessary communication and business transactions between the various settlements. However, the transportation of war related material would be excluded.

The plan called for a planned economy, where part of the available funds would be used as investment and the part by the immigrants. The new enterprises would employ Jewish immigrants whose expertise would contribute to the development of the area, and provide employment to them. It was expected that the emigres would find employment within a year.

Despite the well -defined guidelines its implementation ran into difficulties. Though the government proposed the Province of Yunnan as the site for resettlement, it was not under the control of the Nationalist Government. They had no authority over Yunnan. General Lun Young was the Governor and he was independent war lord with veto power over the central government. Yunnan was the most backward province in China and the infusion of high skilled immigrants would be fiercely opposed by the Chinese natives. The plan was far too advanced for such a poor province. They would just see the settlements as further foreign dominance. Certain professionals such as doctors, engineers, technicians and educators would be welcome by the locals, but clerks, lawyers, intellectuals and merchants would be seen as further expansion of foreign interest. They would not be welcome. The plan has not provided for the employment of local aborigines, and would further escalate the tensions.
Finally, there was a passive opposition from the Jewish refugees, who regarded their stay in Shanghai as a temporary transit camp rather than permanent settlement. Most of the refugees waited for entry permits to Western countries so they were not willing to relocate. They preferred to live in almost sub human conditions rather than accept permanent settlement in a strange culture.





Friday, January 12, 2018

Jewish Asian Times (Taiwan)

TIBERIU WEISZ LINKING JUDAISM INTO CHINA’S CULTURE


Jessica Zwaimam, Editor
Jewish Asian Times (Taiwan)
September 2010


PrintE-mail
As China’s Kaifeng J e w s r e c e n t l y became yeshiva students in Israel early this year, a series of overlooked stone  inscriptions are bringing the story of Jews in China to life – Tiberiu Weisz investigates.
Mr Weisz, or Tibi as he likes to be called, was born in Eastern Europe and made aliyah when he was 14. He served in the Israeli army for three years and then moved to the US. He took East Asian Studies and Chinese and followed by a same field Masters degree.
“My interest in China is a very long one, “ he says, “I was a student at Tunghai University in the mid 1970s and recorded Hebrew biblical texts at Tainan University.”
In the US, Weisz taught Chinese as well as Chinese philosophy and religion at various Minneapolis Community Colleges and he also consulted with numerous international fi rms that were doing business in China.
Weisz read Professor Vera Schwarcz’s book Bridge Across Broken Time: Chinese and Jewish Cultural Memory, but felt “the topic needed much more work.” He believed he was qualifi ed to explore the subject in depth because he says, “I have an above average knowledge of
Chinese and Hebrew and I also have a good background in Chinese history and biblical history. Above all, I can read classical Chinese and Hebrew fluently, including biblical Hebrew. So it was natural for me to take on this project and go with it.”
While teaching Chinese philosophy Weisz always felt the Chinese tenets were very similar to biblical literature and Judaism and he often wondered if the two might have come from the same source. The combination of his curiosity, interest and abilities led him to start writing his first book The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven: An In-Depth Comparative Cultural Study of Judaism and China.
In his book, which is question-based, he gives answers relating to the connections between Judaism and China. The author uses Chinese and Hebrew texts, both translated to English “and placed side by side so the reader can easily see the similarities and the contradictions between the two cultures. It’s like yin and yang. Readers will see these two cultures in a new light; not as fossils, but rather as two vibrant cultures tied by invisible bonds that have allowed them to survive and fl ourish until today.”
This is where the story becomes increasingly interesting. As part of his research for the book, Weisz came across the Kaifeng stone inscriptions, which had been reproduced and translated.
There are four stones carved with approximately 6000 Chinese characters in total. The fi rst stone is from 1489, the second was carved in 1512 and the third and fourth in 1663.
According to Weisz, about 100 years ago there was a translation made by a Chinese missionary, which he says, “was pretty good, except nobody understood the text because it didn’t make sense. We have these four documents that had been put aside by researchers
because the translation didn’t make sense. For 500 years they went misunderstood.” Even researcher Donald Leslie who had done  extensive research on the stones couldn’t understand why they were written.
Conversely Chinese researchers only addressed issues that they could understand. For example: where the stones speak about  intermarriage, the arrival of the Jews in China and their assimilation. “This was because there was a sentence that said the Jews had come to China during the Sung Dynasty. Everybody was trying to fi gure out what that meant and did research on it and wrote about it, but that was the sum of the inscriptions.”
“When I was reading the inscriptions I suddenly realised that what I was reading about was the pre-Talmudic time Judaism from about 300 BCE. That was interesting and it certainly got my attention.” Weisz put his book The Covenant... on hold while he researched and translated the content of the stones in a deeper way.
Weisz realised that previous research “never explained or referred to the fact that the 1498 inscription was written in three different styles, because it was written by three different people. They never pointed out that the second inscription was written in very beautiful Chinese, in neo-Confucius style, that was very prevalent at the time of the Sung Dynasty. And for the third inscription, in the text it was written that the writer was a non-Jew, but what wasn’t mentioned was that he was a neighbour of the Jews and he describes what he saw there, their Jewish customs and behaviour. That was fascinating and it was missing from the other translations.”
He realised after hours of translation and comparison that the reason the inscriptions were not understood was “because they basically included the translation of prayers from Hebrew and that is what threw many people off. Unless you really know the biblical reference, you wouldn’t know what they were talking about.” And that is the reason why Weisz believes so many researchers thought the Chinese text on the stones was written a little bit funny. “I realised I was reading a Jewish manuscript.”
On the stones Weisz found the word for word translation from Hebrew into Chinese of “the entire Shemonei Esrei/ the Amidah. When I finally realised it and looked at the prayer book, it was just exciting. I didn’t want to believe it at fi rst, but then I realised there was no other way as all the components of the Amidah were there,” he said.
The Birchat Kohanim – the priestly blessing is also part of the inscriptions. “The Birchat-ohanim I fi gured out differently. I went to the  Hebrew text and compared it. It is almost verbatim. It is written in Hebrew grammar but in Chinese words. All the biblical references where there.” And fi nally, Weisz claims he found a third prayer, “which was the original biblical Aleinu.”
In addition, the inscriptions also included multiple quotes from Chinese literature; among them were quotes from Confucius and Lao Tzu. According to Weisz, the third part of the 1498 inscription clarifi ed the timeline of “when the Jews came to China.” The third segment reproduces a conversation that the Jews had with the Chinese emperor around 998 CE, about 500 years before the inscription was written; a conversation that was likely passed on through oral history.
Weisz theorises that the Chinese Jews are the original Jews who came to China over 1000 years ago. “They likely reached China at about 108 BC. They assimilated and kept their religion and beliefs. There was no anti-Semitism at that time and they were more like a curiosity. I think this is very important because I think it’s the fi rst time ever that the Jews flourished in a society without being prejudiced. The only other place they can do that now is Israel.”
“So all this information was missing in the previous translations. As far as I’m concerned, I have a document here, which has been buried and is as important as the Dead Sea scrolls. But because they couldn’t decipher it and they couldn’t understand it, they put it aside and nobody really paid attention to it. I think it’s time we looked at it very closely again. So I hope this new translation of the inscriptions will open up a new venue to do more research on the history of the Chinese Jews.”
This research became Weisz’s second book The Kaifeng tone Inscriptions: The legacy of the Jewish Community in Ancient China. The book contains the entire text of the new translation of the four stone inscriptions. The first part of the book is the new annotated translation that traces the origin of the Chinese text to biblical sources. Part two gives you a summary of the meaning of the inscriptions, and examines the origin of the community, their first encounter with the Chinese, their dedication to the temple and their life as Jews in the sea of Chinese culture.
The book incorporates many original Chinese and Hebrew sources and it highlights the cross-cultural currents that challenged the Israelites in China. It takes the reader into uncharted territory of the Jews in ancient China. Weisz is the fi rst to note, “The inscriptions are definitely tied to Judaism and proof that they are a Jewish text.”
The University of Southern California interviewed Weisz during the production of a documentary about the Jews of Kaifeng. At the time of the interview the project was in the final stages of editing.
It took Weisz ten years to research and write The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven. In between, he stopped for four years to work on The Kaifeng Stones Inscriptions. Weisz took an early retirement and currently sits on the board of the Sino Judaica Institute. He will be speaking in Taiwan in October and is exploring potential joint projects with Tunghai University.
(Issue September 2010)

Wednesday, June 10, 2015

Tiger Mom vs Yiddishe Mame

Tiger Mom vs. Yiddishe Mame

Tiberiu Weisz

Reprinted from Asian Jewish Life, #16, 2015

(This is Part II of how the traditional Chinese education served as the driving force behind the Chinese Tiger Mom and how the Diaspora shaped the Yiddishe Mame. Part I was published in Asian Jewish Life # 15)

The rigidity of the traditional Chinese education and the flexibility of Jewish education came into sharp focus in modern times. In her book Battle Hymn of Tiger Mother (Penguin 2011) the author Amy Chua, a women of Chinese descent and a professor at Harvard, married to a Jewish husband, also a professor, created quite a stir with the way she raised her two daughters. She raised her children in a fashion that was strict by even traditional Chinese standards. With seemingly little input from her Jewish husband, Tiger Mom conceded: “even though my husband’s not Chinese, I tried to raise my two daughters the same way my parents raised me.” With one slight difference: like sons.

How did Chinese mothers raise daughters in traditional China? The general rule was that girls had no business learning even the rudiments of the written language. Chinese sages expressed their views that “Women without cultured ability are virtue itself.” Nonetheless, clever and resourceful mothers circumvented this traditional limitation. They taught daughters directly, focusing on four accomplishments: Virtue, Deeds, Words and Work. These four goals constituted the general knowledge expected from Chinese women and wives.  Only mothers’ wisdom and cleverness guided the girls to achieve these goals.

Slightly different in method, were the Jewish mothers who also played similar roles in education. Though the Mishna and Talmud devoted an entire chapter to the status of women in Judaism, they both relegated women to subservient roles to their husbands. Jewish sages, like their Chinese counterparts, had little to say about the education of women, and less on learning. They simply banned women from studying in heder (study hall). One of the Talmud sages said that  “a girls place is at the spinning wheel” while another commented that: “If a girl can read a little, pray a little, then she is a real ‘intellectual’”. Not surprising, both Jewish and Chinese cultures treated females as another “mouth to cloth and feed.” Their place was to attend the family and home.

Despite these restrictions, the reality was that Jewish women were the industrious, strong willed and the ones who managed the household. On top of that they quite often established a business of their own to support the family financially. To their assistance came their daughters who helped both at home and in business. Jewish mothers greatest concern for their daughters was to maintain these four accomplishments: chastity, morals, reputation, and virtues. These attributes also were considered vital for a good match.

Similarly, Chinese mothers taught their daughters practical things, ideally how to be good wife, a good mother, and her duties at home were to be obedient, chaste, hardworking and Confucian.  They raised their daughters based on the Four Virtues: character, appearance, speech and work, the latter referring to household chores. In addition they were to observe the Three Dependences: dependence on father before marriage, dependence on husband after marriage, and dependence on son/s if widowed. Though mothers’ influence on sons was indirect and subtle, on daughters it was exactly the opposite, direct and in your face. In either case, mothers’ wisdom mattered: it was deeply rooted in daily life, human emotions in addition to being practical.

Pragmatism taught both Jewish and Chinese mothers to excuse their sons from the daily activities, sons needed to study.  For a Jewish mother, an accomplished son was a “learned student and clever businessman” or in the words of the Talmud: “worldly gain is good and worldly loss is bad.” Or as my mother used to say: “Man makes money and not money makes the man”. Traditionally, the ideal male role in Jewish family was the scholar, the diligent, promising yeshiva student. With the exception of the very young, the very old and the very learned, everyone was expected to make a living in addition to learning. A Jew without knowledge of the Torah was considered incomplete, and parents would bend the sky to educate their son. Jews valued more an educated son than an ignorant priest, as the Talmud said: “Better a learned bastard than an ignorant priest”. The Torah cemented the Jews together.

The ideal Chinese man was one who passed the imperial examination and got “degrees and honors” (AJL #15). Building wealth was the logical outcome of officialdom.  Unlike in Judaism where the scope of schooling was for the sake of learning, the scope in China was to pursue recognition, honors and social status. As Confucius (c. 551- 479 BCE) said: “Learning without thought is labor lost; thought without learning is perilous.” Chinese believed earnestly that history repeated itself and learning the past was the key to the future. Those who mastered the ancient tradition of writing and passed the examinations became officials who were to shape the course of China, a trait that is still prevalent in China today. Those who failed to attain a degree were often disillusioned and turned to teaching, to assure a steady “rice bowl” (income). And those who went into trade or business had a very rudimentary education, far below the required standard. Farmers and craftsmen had nothing to do with schools.

Both Jewish and Chinese mothers took an active role in “guiding” their sons towards success. But success was defined differently in the two cultures. Beginning with birth, a newborn Jewish child developed a special bond with the woman who attended his mother at his birth, usually a midwife. That bond followed the child throughout life, and manifested itself in visits giving her gifts while she participated in all the festivities and celebrations of his life.  The midwife called the children she delivered “her babies.” And the community called her di Bobeh (granny in Yiddish). While di Bobeh influence smoothed the rough social edges of the young man, the mother created an environment to influence his upbringing by taking care of his daily needs and comfort.

A similar tradition was in China. Beginning at birth, Chinese mothers relied on the centuries old superstitions called Old Mothers Encyclopedia (Mama Da Chuan). It was an unofficial guide to new mothers orally transmitted only and never ever in print. One of the most common superstitions made Chinese mothers very choosy as to who should be the first person let into the room after the baby was properly cleaned and wrapped? Auspicious was if a clever/smart boy came in and performed the ceremony called of cai sheng or “stepping on the birth” hoping that the new boy baby would be smart too. This superstition was not practiced with baby girls.

Cultural beliefs as such bound mothers of the two cultures and it reflected in their names. A Jewish mom was called Yiddishe Mame, a Yiddish word with East European roots that radiated an overprotective mother with endless self -sacrifice. A Chinese mother was called huma or Tiger Mom a Chinese term that described an overambitious mother who raises her children in the strictest of strict discipline. The term is often synonymous with fierce ambition to help her children conquer, overcome and finally to succeed in professional life. Only recently did this term come to the attention of Westerners with the publication of Amy Chua’s book. Both the Yiddishe Mame and Tiger Mom strived for the same goal, to nurture the child to adulthood, to make him a mentsh, “a man as a man” in Judaism and a ren, “a man above man” in China.
Mentsh is a Yiddish term that means to attain the status of an accomplished human being, a whole person, a real adult with all the responsibilities and obligations. A Yiddishe Mame was proud if sons did well in secular schooling but prouder if they could also recite a passage from the Torah to their father.  Schooling was important, grades and outside activities were secondary to Jewish learning.  Jews pursued learning with no specific goal in mind, it was for the sake of learning. Yiddishe Mame’s greatest joy was to see her sons performing the mizvot (good deeds) for the sake of mizvot, culminating in being recognized as mentsh in his community.

Ren is the most basic character in the Chinese language, literally means, “man”, yet its meaning changes significantly in context. Chinese sages struggled with the question of  “How can one become a man [and benefit from it]?” (qi neneg wei ren  岂能为人). Some defined ren (man) as: Rites and righteousness are what makes a man above other ren.”  Others as  “the fulfillment of all filial duties and social obligation,” while modern interpretations offered some context “to be not as an ordinary person but as a ren, a man above man in society at large.” Each of these definitions carried their connotations.  The first was to fulfill the ceremonial and public obligations; the second emphasized the obligations of children to parents, family and by extension the country. The last one came closer to the meaning of mentsh in Judaism, but not quite. 

http://www.asianjewishlife.org/pages/articles/AJL_Issue16_June2015/AJL_Issue16_Feature_Tiger-Mom.html
The definition of ren contained an inherent difference from mentsh.  Just as ma nishtana differed from the Chinese how can I know [to gain from it] (see AJL #15), so did mentsh complement ren, just as yin and yang. In Judaism, a mentsh grew up in a classless society with allegiance to a code of conduct of an invisible and immortal deity called God. Every Jew was required to read the Torah (Law) or His words.  That by itself required a basic education to each and every Jew, herein the name “people of the book.” In addition, each individual was in charge of his destiny, and every individual male Jew was equal both in the eyes of the Torah and in the community.
Not so in China. A ren grew up in a traditional class conscious society composed of junzi ,” gentlemen” representing the ruling class and the xiao ren “the little people” or commoners. The junzi included the nobility, and by virtue of social mobility also the “mandarins” who acquired their status through education.  At the head of this social pyramid was the Son of Heaven (emperor) who was considered a deity in China, but a mortal human being by Jewish standards. The xiao ren “commoners” were the masses, either with a rudimentary education of shu yuan, (book halls, see AJL #15) or not educated at all. Subsequently the junzi were privileged and often above the law while the commoners were subject to the law. Such a social distinction highlighted the unbridgeable gap between the class-conscious ren and the classless Jewish mentsh.

Tiger Mom brought this distinction into sharper focus. Initially she thought that perhaps a traditional upbringing with a modern education could combine the Chinese ren, “a man above man” with something like the Jewish mentsh. But first she had to face the low status of women in the traditional Chinese hierarchy. She skillfully weaved the Three Dependencies with modern Western education, and treated her daughters the same way as she would have treated sons. Her daughters were expected to attain the highest achievement in the field of study, or rather in the mother’s field of choice. The daughters had no say in their upbringing, only mother’s ambition mattered. In addition, she taught her daughters that the traditional Chinese values for girls: Virtue, Fate, Fengshui, Confucianism (religious merits) and Dushu (reading) could enhance their aspiration to succeed, but they had to aim higher than that to their highest potential. If an artist, be an accomplished artist, recognized in the field. If a scholar, be an academic with the highest-ranking schools. If married, be a ren first and only then follow the traditional Chinese values for wives. 

Trying to weave the concept of ren with the Jewish mentsh offered insurmountable challenges. Simply put, though they complemented each other, they did not mix. Yiddishe Mame saw her responsibility for the total physical way of life of a “real Jew.” Her rules were more flexible, more in sync with real life situations. She made sure that the dietary laws were observed, that the food was kosher, milk and meat were separated, and that she kept the family harmony. Disciplining a child was more a reflection of the domestic climate, rather than the offense. Tiger Mom on the other hand applied the traditional upbringing for sons to raise her daughters “if you expect the child to be healthy, you must allow him thirty percent of hunger and the same percentage of cold. Experience has taught parents that if you give him too much to eat and too much to wear the child gets indisposed through the faults of the parents.”

Puzzling however was the limited Jewish education of their daughters. “Bat Mitzva was Jed’s [her husband] terrain,” said Amy Chua. The daughters “read from the Torah seamlessly at Bat Mizva,” and the father “also approved the choice of  ’Hebrew Melody‘ for violin at his daughter’s Bat Mitzva recital.” But beyond this, their Jewish upbringing was secondary. Tiger Mom followed what she knew best, the traditional Chinese Way that was handed down to her from her great, great, great… grandfather, the royal astronomer appointed by chief military staff in 1644. She imposed harsher rules to her daughters even by Chinese standards. 

Her rules:

School work always came first
An A- minus is a bad grade
Your children always must be two years ahead of your classmates …
You must never compliment your children in public
If your children disagree with a teacher or coach, you must side with the teacher or coach
The only other activities your children should be permitted are those in which they can eventually win a medal
That medal must be gold.”

In other words, no boyfriends, no sleepovers. Total respect for parents; daily drilling in math and Chinese from early age; and speaking Chinese at home. In addition there were daily school homework, hours of music practice, and reading. Expectations were so high that any grade below an “A” would invoke additional discipline. Her daughters went through the “ten years of ku, or bitterness. As the Chinese proverb says: “To be a man above men, you must endure the bitterest of all bitterness.”

Such expectations were contrary to the aspirations of the Yiddishe Mame. Learning was just part of becoming a mentsh and wealth was a close second, though due to the economic and historical circumstances the two became contenders to higher social recognition. The ideal mentsh was learned in the ways of the Torah, generous and interacted easily in the community. Wealth was not necessary, but it certainly elevated the status of a mentsh. A learned man automatically belonged to the recognized status no matter how poor he was. Similarly, a wealthy men with little learning also belonged to the recognized class provided he used his wealth in accordance with the law of the Torah, and donated generously.  

Tiger Mom justified her strict disciplinarian methods by pointing to the success of her daughters. They became accomplished academics and musicians according to the traditional Chinese Way. They became scholars, and successful in their own rights. The daughters attained the social standing, recognition and honors in the fields that Tiger Mom carved for them. They endured years of ku (bitterness) to become “men above men” in Chinese eyes. With the addition of two Jewish traits, that of generosity and interaction in the community, they could have also become mentsh in Jewish eyes.

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Tiberiu Weisz is a Sinologist and a scholar of China and Judaism. He is the author of The Kaifeng Stone Inscriptions (2006) and The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven (2008) available on Amazon, and his articles have been published worldwide.