Wednesday, June 10, 2015

Tiger Mom vs Yiddishe Mame

Tiger Mom vs. Yiddishe Mame

Tiberiu Weisz

Reprinted from Asian Jewish Life, #16, 2015

(This is Part II of how the traditional Chinese education served as the driving force behind the Chinese Tiger Mom and how the Diaspora shaped the Yiddishe Mame. Part I was published in Asian Jewish Life # 15)

The rigidity of the traditional Chinese education and the flexibility of Jewish education came into sharp focus in modern times. In her book Battle Hymn of Tiger Mother (Penguin 2011) the author Amy Chua, a women of Chinese descent and a professor at Harvard, married to a Jewish husband, also a professor, created quite a stir with the way she raised her two daughters. She raised her children in a fashion that was strict by even traditional Chinese standards. With seemingly little input from her Jewish husband, Tiger Mom conceded: “even though my husband’s not Chinese, I tried to raise my two daughters the same way my parents raised me.” With one slight difference: like sons.

How did Chinese mothers raise daughters in traditional China? The general rule was that girls had no business learning even the rudiments of the written language. Chinese sages expressed their views that “Women without cultured ability are virtue itself.” Nonetheless, clever and resourceful mothers circumvented this traditional limitation. They taught daughters directly, focusing on four accomplishments: Virtue, Deeds, Words and Work. These four goals constituted the general knowledge expected from Chinese women and wives.  Only mothers’ wisdom and cleverness guided the girls to achieve these goals.

Slightly different in method, were the Jewish mothers who also played similar roles in education. Though the Mishna and Talmud devoted an entire chapter to the status of women in Judaism, they both relegated women to subservient roles to their husbands. Jewish sages, like their Chinese counterparts, had little to say about the education of women, and less on learning. They simply banned women from studying in heder (study hall). One of the Talmud sages said that  “a girls place is at the spinning wheel” while another commented that: “If a girl can read a little, pray a little, then she is a real ‘intellectual’”. Not surprising, both Jewish and Chinese cultures treated females as another “mouth to cloth and feed.” Their place was to attend the family and home.

Despite these restrictions, the reality was that Jewish women were the industrious, strong willed and the ones who managed the household. On top of that they quite often established a business of their own to support the family financially. To their assistance came their daughters who helped both at home and in business. Jewish mothers greatest concern for their daughters was to maintain these four accomplishments: chastity, morals, reputation, and virtues. These attributes also were considered vital for a good match.

Similarly, Chinese mothers taught their daughters practical things, ideally how to be good wife, a good mother, and her duties at home were to be obedient, chaste, hardworking and Confucian.  They raised their daughters based on the Four Virtues: character, appearance, speech and work, the latter referring to household chores. In addition they were to observe the Three Dependences: dependence on father before marriage, dependence on husband after marriage, and dependence on son/s if widowed. Though mothers’ influence on sons was indirect and subtle, on daughters it was exactly the opposite, direct and in your face. In either case, mothers’ wisdom mattered: it was deeply rooted in daily life, human emotions in addition to being practical.

Pragmatism taught both Jewish and Chinese mothers to excuse their sons from the daily activities, sons needed to study.  For a Jewish mother, an accomplished son was a “learned student and clever businessman” or in the words of the Talmud: “worldly gain is good and worldly loss is bad.” Or as my mother used to say: “Man makes money and not money makes the man”. Traditionally, the ideal male role in Jewish family was the scholar, the diligent, promising yeshiva student. With the exception of the very young, the very old and the very learned, everyone was expected to make a living in addition to learning. A Jew without knowledge of the Torah was considered incomplete, and parents would bend the sky to educate their son. Jews valued more an educated son than an ignorant priest, as the Talmud said: “Better a learned bastard than an ignorant priest”. The Torah cemented the Jews together.

The ideal Chinese man was one who passed the imperial examination and got “degrees and honors” (AJL #15). Building wealth was the logical outcome of officialdom.  Unlike in Judaism where the scope of schooling was for the sake of learning, the scope in China was to pursue recognition, honors and social status. As Confucius (c. 551- 479 BCE) said: “Learning without thought is labor lost; thought without learning is perilous.” Chinese believed earnestly that history repeated itself and learning the past was the key to the future. Those who mastered the ancient tradition of writing and passed the examinations became officials who were to shape the course of China, a trait that is still prevalent in China today. Those who failed to attain a degree were often disillusioned and turned to teaching, to assure a steady “rice bowl” (income). And those who went into trade or business had a very rudimentary education, far below the required standard. Farmers and craftsmen had nothing to do with schools.

Both Jewish and Chinese mothers took an active role in “guiding” their sons towards success. But success was defined differently in the two cultures. Beginning with birth, a newborn Jewish child developed a special bond with the woman who attended his mother at his birth, usually a midwife. That bond followed the child throughout life, and manifested itself in visits giving her gifts while she participated in all the festivities and celebrations of his life.  The midwife called the children she delivered “her babies.” And the community called her di Bobeh (granny in Yiddish). While di Bobeh influence smoothed the rough social edges of the young man, the mother created an environment to influence his upbringing by taking care of his daily needs and comfort.

A similar tradition was in China. Beginning at birth, Chinese mothers relied on the centuries old superstitions called Old Mothers Encyclopedia (Mama Da Chuan). It was an unofficial guide to new mothers orally transmitted only and never ever in print. One of the most common superstitions made Chinese mothers very choosy as to who should be the first person let into the room after the baby was properly cleaned and wrapped? Auspicious was if a clever/smart boy came in and performed the ceremony called of cai sheng or “stepping on the birth” hoping that the new boy baby would be smart too. This superstition was not practiced with baby girls.

Cultural beliefs as such bound mothers of the two cultures and it reflected in their names. A Jewish mom was called Yiddishe Mame, a Yiddish word with East European roots that radiated an overprotective mother with endless self -sacrifice. A Chinese mother was called huma or Tiger Mom a Chinese term that described an overambitious mother who raises her children in the strictest of strict discipline. The term is often synonymous with fierce ambition to help her children conquer, overcome and finally to succeed in professional life. Only recently did this term come to the attention of Westerners with the publication of Amy Chua’s book. Both the Yiddishe Mame and Tiger Mom strived for the same goal, to nurture the child to adulthood, to make him a mentsh, “a man as a man” in Judaism and a ren, “a man above man” in China.
Mentsh is a Yiddish term that means to attain the status of an accomplished human being, a whole person, a real adult with all the responsibilities and obligations. A Yiddishe Mame was proud if sons did well in secular schooling but prouder if they could also recite a passage from the Torah to their father.  Schooling was important, grades and outside activities were secondary to Jewish learning.  Jews pursued learning with no specific goal in mind, it was for the sake of learning. Yiddishe Mame’s greatest joy was to see her sons performing the mizvot (good deeds) for the sake of mizvot, culminating in being recognized as mentsh in his community.

Ren is the most basic character in the Chinese language, literally means, “man”, yet its meaning changes significantly in context. Chinese sages struggled with the question of  “How can one become a man [and benefit from it]?” (qi neneg wei ren  岂能为人). Some defined ren (man) as: Rites and righteousness are what makes a man above other ren.”  Others as  “the fulfillment of all filial duties and social obligation,” while modern interpretations offered some context “to be not as an ordinary person but as a ren, a man above man in society at large.” Each of these definitions carried their connotations.  The first was to fulfill the ceremonial and public obligations; the second emphasized the obligations of children to parents, family and by extension the country. The last one came closer to the meaning of mentsh in Judaism, but not quite. 

http://www.asianjewishlife.org/pages/articles/AJL_Issue16_June2015/AJL_Issue16_Feature_Tiger-Mom.html
The definition of ren contained an inherent difference from mentsh.  Just as ma nishtana differed from the Chinese how can I know [to gain from it] (see AJL #15), so did mentsh complement ren, just as yin and yang. In Judaism, a mentsh grew up in a classless society with allegiance to a code of conduct of an invisible and immortal deity called God. Every Jew was required to read the Torah (Law) or His words.  That by itself required a basic education to each and every Jew, herein the name “people of the book.” In addition, each individual was in charge of his destiny, and every individual male Jew was equal both in the eyes of the Torah and in the community.
Not so in China. A ren grew up in a traditional class conscious society composed of junzi ,” gentlemen” representing the ruling class and the xiao ren “the little people” or commoners. The junzi included the nobility, and by virtue of social mobility also the “mandarins” who acquired their status through education.  At the head of this social pyramid was the Son of Heaven (emperor) who was considered a deity in China, but a mortal human being by Jewish standards. The xiao ren “commoners” were the masses, either with a rudimentary education of shu yuan, (book halls, see AJL #15) or not educated at all. Subsequently the junzi were privileged and often above the law while the commoners were subject to the law. Such a social distinction highlighted the unbridgeable gap between the class-conscious ren and the classless Jewish mentsh.

Tiger Mom brought this distinction into sharper focus. Initially she thought that perhaps a traditional upbringing with a modern education could combine the Chinese ren, “a man above man” with something like the Jewish mentsh. But first she had to face the low status of women in the traditional Chinese hierarchy. She skillfully weaved the Three Dependencies with modern Western education, and treated her daughters the same way as she would have treated sons. Her daughters were expected to attain the highest achievement in the field of study, or rather in the mother’s field of choice. The daughters had no say in their upbringing, only mother’s ambition mattered. In addition, she taught her daughters that the traditional Chinese values for girls: Virtue, Fate, Fengshui, Confucianism (religious merits) and Dushu (reading) could enhance their aspiration to succeed, but they had to aim higher than that to their highest potential. If an artist, be an accomplished artist, recognized in the field. If a scholar, be an academic with the highest-ranking schools. If married, be a ren first and only then follow the traditional Chinese values for wives. 

Trying to weave the concept of ren with the Jewish mentsh offered insurmountable challenges. Simply put, though they complemented each other, they did not mix. Yiddishe Mame saw her responsibility for the total physical way of life of a “real Jew.” Her rules were more flexible, more in sync with real life situations. She made sure that the dietary laws were observed, that the food was kosher, milk and meat were separated, and that she kept the family harmony. Disciplining a child was more a reflection of the domestic climate, rather than the offense. Tiger Mom on the other hand applied the traditional upbringing for sons to raise her daughters “if you expect the child to be healthy, you must allow him thirty percent of hunger and the same percentage of cold. Experience has taught parents that if you give him too much to eat and too much to wear the child gets indisposed through the faults of the parents.”

Puzzling however was the limited Jewish education of their daughters. “Bat Mitzva was Jed’s [her husband] terrain,” said Amy Chua. The daughters “read from the Torah seamlessly at Bat Mizva,” and the father “also approved the choice of  ’Hebrew Melody‘ for violin at his daughter’s Bat Mitzva recital.” But beyond this, their Jewish upbringing was secondary. Tiger Mom followed what she knew best, the traditional Chinese Way that was handed down to her from her great, great, great… grandfather, the royal astronomer appointed by chief military staff in 1644. She imposed harsher rules to her daughters even by Chinese standards. 

Her rules:

School work always came first
An A- minus is a bad grade
Your children always must be two years ahead of your classmates …
You must never compliment your children in public
If your children disagree with a teacher or coach, you must side with the teacher or coach
The only other activities your children should be permitted are those in which they can eventually win a medal
That medal must be gold.”

In other words, no boyfriends, no sleepovers. Total respect for parents; daily drilling in math and Chinese from early age; and speaking Chinese at home. In addition there were daily school homework, hours of music practice, and reading. Expectations were so high that any grade below an “A” would invoke additional discipline. Her daughters went through the “ten years of ku, or bitterness. As the Chinese proverb says: “To be a man above men, you must endure the bitterest of all bitterness.”

Such expectations were contrary to the aspirations of the Yiddishe Mame. Learning was just part of becoming a mentsh and wealth was a close second, though due to the economic and historical circumstances the two became contenders to higher social recognition. The ideal mentsh was learned in the ways of the Torah, generous and interacted easily in the community. Wealth was not necessary, but it certainly elevated the status of a mentsh. A learned man automatically belonged to the recognized status no matter how poor he was. Similarly, a wealthy men with little learning also belonged to the recognized class provided he used his wealth in accordance with the law of the Torah, and donated generously.  

Tiger Mom justified her strict disciplinarian methods by pointing to the success of her daughters. They became accomplished academics and musicians according to the traditional Chinese Way. They became scholars, and successful in their own rights. The daughters attained the social standing, recognition and honors in the fields that Tiger Mom carved for them. They endured years of ku (bitterness) to become “men above men” in Chinese eyes. With the addition of two Jewish traits, that of generosity and interaction in the community, they could have also become mentsh in Jewish eyes.

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Tiberiu Weisz is a Sinologist and a scholar of China and Judaism. He is the author of The Kaifeng Stone Inscriptions (2006) and The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven (2008) available on Amazon, and his articles have been published worldwide. 














Thursday, March 26, 2015

Jewish Experience in Ancient China

This article deals with some Mizrahi (Eastern) aspect of the Chinese Jews and also supplements my book The Kaifeng Stone Inscriptions. (iUniverse 2006). Available on Amazon.  I wrote this article for Sephardic Horizons. 

Wednesday, March 25, 2015

Derech Eretz and the Confucian Way

This is the third article in the series "Is Judaism the Yang of China's Yin? based on my book The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven- an in-depth Comparative Cultural Study of Judaism and China (iUniverse 2008). Available on Amazon

http://www.asianjewishlife.org/pages/articles/AJL_Issue_12_June2013/AJL_Feature_Derech%20Eretz.html

Biblical Influences in Chinese Literature

This is the second article in the series Is Judaism the yang of China's Yin? based on my book The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven- an in-depth Comparative Cultural Study of Judaism and China (iUniverse 2008)

http://www.asianjewishlife.org/pages/articles/AJL_Issue_11_Jan2013/AJL_Viewpoint_Biblical-Influence-Chinese-Lit.html

Is Judaism the Yang of China's Yin?

This is the first in a series of articles articles that are base on on my book The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven- an in-depth Comparative Cultural Study of Judaism and China (iUniverse 2008). This article was first published in Asian Jewish Life.

http://www.asianjewishlife.org/pages/articles/AJL_Issue_10_Sept2012/AJL_Feature_Jewish-Yang-Chinese-Yin.html

No Bread - No Degree


This is the fourth article in the series of Is Judaism the Yang of China's yin? based on my book The Coveant and the Mandate of Heaven- an in-depth Comparative Cultural Study of Judaism and China (iUniverse 2008). Available on Amazon
Published in Asian Jewish Life


http://www.asianjewishlife.org/pages/articles/AJL_Issue_15_Oct2014/AJL_Issue15_Feature_No-Bread-No-Torah.html

Thursday, February 26, 2015

Book Review :(English text of Alina Patru Review of The Covenant...

Revista Teologica 1/2011
 Tiberiu Weisz, The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven. An In-Depth Comparative Cultural Study of Judaism and China [Legământul şi Mandatul cerului. O analiză comparativă de profunzimi a iudaismului şi a Chinei], Ed. iUniverse, New York, 2008, 243 p., ISBN 978-0-595-44450-2.

Reviewed by Dr. Alina Patru, University Lecturer .
Translated from Romanian.

Tiberiu Weisz is a Romanian born Jewish author and a trained Sinologue. His scientific orientation led him to the connection between Jews and China, a topic that was published in 2006, his work “The Kaifeng Stone Inscriptions” a reference work that established him as a specialist researcher. This work has similar orientation, continues to compare the principal tenets of Judaism and Chinese culture by not only juxtaposing primary sources of the sacred texts of both cultures but also by merging historical sources and critical data with more recent and updated material. There were studies that reflected on the similarities and differences of some cultures that had survived uninterrupted until today. But Tiberiu Weisz was the first to provide a comprehensive and fundamental comparison based on primary sources and on 10 years of difficult research of both cultures. The author is credited with knowing Judaism from the inside out and at the same time he is very familiar with the Chinese culture understanding its subtleties almost as a native. As he tells in the Introduction: “My goal is to treat readers to a unique way of looking at China and Judaism, from inside out as experienced by those within the culture” (pg. xviii). Moreover, Tiberiu Weisz went further to propose an idea that of the origin of these two cultures derived from one (theological) source “On a personal level, writing this book constantly challenged me with implied link between these two cultures. I could not look at Judaism from purely Jewish point of view, nor could I look at Chinese belief from a purely Chinese point of view. Somewhere and sometime in the distant past, these two cultures emanated from one source” (pg. xvii) The result of the comparative approach is a synthetic work that focuses on several central elements of the two religions and cultures. To attain this, he examines the sources in great depth, discovers the less obvious clues of evidence and establishes realistic connections at this level of understanding. Utilizing good skills of linguistic tools, Tiberiu Weisz retranslates, where necessary, the terms in English or he chooses the most appropriate interpretations in secondary literature that is most suitable to the [textual] meaning of the primary sources. The book follows an approximate timeline treating the topics in same order as the religion evolved. First, topics of general content are addressed: The formation of the Divinities, the Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven and the Divine connection. Then it is categorized according to topics in this order, external challenges posed by other religions, the golden age of rationalism, rise of mysticism, reformers and the reformation, the challenges of modern times and finally the establishment of Statehood [Israel and China]. Apart from the obvious parallels that could have been simply established by any researcher (Elohim- Shangdi; Covenant–Mandate of Heaven; Torah- Liji), Weisz launches a revolutionary theory such as, for example, that Laozi (604-531 BCE ), the founder of Daoism, on his journey to the West on the Silk Road, came in contact with biblical ideas, especially with tales about Israel in time of King Solomon. Weisz is the first who claims that certain ideas from Daodejing, the source of Daoism, attributed traditionally to Laozi and considered to be originated in China, were in fact borrowed from biblical stories in the Proverbs of Solomon: “a small country with few people, who lives in peace and prosperity” (Daodejing, # 80) that emulated the conditions during reign in the Kingdom of Solomon (pg. 13). DAO, the One, in the way in which it is described in Daodejing, is superimposed over Elohim, and overrides any other concepts especially when its attributes are divine features. Weisz strengthens his theory by pinpointing quotes in the Daodejing found in biblical literature. There are several, and identifying them is indeed amazing. It remains to be seen to what extent [his] theory wins followers and will be accepted by the international scientific world. We choose an example of Weisz interpretation from an unexpected topic in recent history, namely that of Hong Xiuquan (1814-1864), the charismatic leader of of the Taiping Rebellion (1851-1864) who self appointed his younger brother as Jesus Christ, and examined in the spirit of Jewish messianic movement. Hong fought to implement God’s plan in this world, which, as far as Chinese were concerned, was to overthrow the foreign Qing Dynasty and restore a native Chinese kingdom in the old capital city of Nanjing. Among the texts sacred that Hong used to legitimate his claims, was a very rudimentary translation of a Christian Bible into Chinese. Tiberiu Weisz, however, is of the opinion that the concepts that Hong actually promulgated -the Ten Commandments, monotheism, messianic - were closer to Judaism than to Christianity (pg. 148). The biblical texts quoted by Hong Xiuquan were from the prophecies of Isaiah in the Old Testament and Weisz wondered whether it could be possible that Hong has confused Isaiah with Jesus Christ. The Jewish messianic element of Hong is reinforced by a new argument that there is an undeniable connection between the two cultures. The comparative study of Weisz is an integral part of the entire process of the book. Based on the Chinese terminology, he suggests that Judaism could be considered the Yang to complement the Chinese Yin. Judaism is one of the essential pillars of Western civilization, able to adjust in the past and in the present to social changes while Chinese civilization, remains isolated, still misunderstood, preferring withdrawal, and integration with nature... “The interpretations of Weisz contain very interesting reflections and a high degree of originality and are aimed towards the intellectual world. We have to wait for the appearance of other specialists in these two fields [China and Judaism] with similar erudition for such a profound analysis. The precise academic value of Tiberiu Weisz’ works can be evaluated only after more interpreters with similar background will be available. The uncontested value of this works leads the way and I am convinced that it will take a long time to search for such a specialist from this milestone. A shortcoming of the book is the lack of conclusion or summaries at the end of each chapter as well as at the end of the book. This would have helped readers to digest the vast amount of information. For the Romanian public, this work presents a pleasant reading that not only enriches and opens new opportunities to understand these two of important cultures in the history of humanity, but also to know how one can to achieve better intercultural communication through comparative study.

Saturday, February 14, 2015

Book Review- Kaifeng Haggadah

The Haggadah of the Kaifeng Jews of China by Fook-Kong Wong, Dalia Yasharpour Brill 2011, Hardcover 216 pages, EUR 99-/US $135

Reviewed by Tiberiu Weisz 
Published Sephardic Horizons Vol. 4 No 3. Summer 2014

 The Haggadah of the Kaifeng Jews of China (herein Haggadah) by Fook-Kong Wong, an Associate Professor at Hong Kong Theological Seminary and Dalia Yasharpour, an Instructor of Persian language and literature at Harvard is a scholarly study of the Hebrew Haggadah of the Kaifeng Jews. The book is divided into five chapters. In addition, the book contains a short introduction, the reproduction of the Haggadah Hebrew text with extensive annotations, the English translation and the Plates. The first five chapters would be of interest to the general reader and scholars alike, while the reproductions of the manuscripts would more likely be of interest to scholars and researchers. The methodology followed a logical pattern. The authors stated their objective “to analyze all the languages …and to gain an understanding of the Kaifeng Jews’ liturgy as represented in their Passover Haggada” (pg 5), followed by the body of the evidence. Often included were the authors’ own observations, and each chapter ended with a short conclusion. The authors scrutinized every page, every sentence and every letter of the Haggadah; they analyzed the handwriting pinpointing similarities and differences in styles. They went over the vocalization and showed “that they were produced locally rather than brought over from abroad” (pg 11). Another valuable inclusion was the side-by-side table of Hebrew words from the three manuscripts for comparison (pg. 13-16). There are some inconsistencies and assumptions that the authors left unexplained. For example, the authors quoted from Gabriel Brotier that the Chinese scribers wrote with “sharpened bamboo like quill pens…” (pg 8). Later on the authors quoted Israel Lehman, the Curator of manuscripts of the Klau Library, Hebrew Union College that “both [manuscripts] appear to have been written with Chinese ink brush” (pg18). The authors provided no explanation to this inconsistency. In another chapter the authors discussed at some length the “degree of Hebrew knowledge in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries” of the Kaifeng Jews (pg 25). The authors quoted a letter from Father Domenage who wrote in 1724 that “the Community had lost its tu-ching-pen” guide for studying the Bible. As a result no one applied himself to the study of the Hebrew Bible by this time” (pg 30), and in the conclusion of the chapter the authors wrote “ They had in possession a tu-ching-pen to assist them in reading the Bible” (pg 32). Again the inconsistency was not explained. The authors made the assumption that: “Apparently, they [Israelites] were traders because they mentioned that they came bearing western clothing” (pg 3). They paraphrased the original statement leaving out the word “tribute” without any further explanation. Scholars will also wonder why the latest research and literature of the religious practices (including the Haggadah) of the Kaifeng Jews, were not included in the bibliography? On the positive side, such inconsistencies and assumptions did not detract from the value of this work. The authors accomplished a monumental task: they reconstructed a fragmented Hebrew text, clarified the misspelled Hebrew words, and explained the Chinese side notes, translated the text into English, and finally they determined the origin of the liturgy of the Haggadah and the manuscripts. They concluded that the “archaic feature of the [Hebrew] language” pointed to a Passover liturgy of the Kaifeng community that originated in the Persian Passover rite (pg 63), and “the lack of additional songs in the Haggadah is once again consistent with the supposition that the source of the Haggadah is an early Babylonian tradition” (pg. 75). The authors achieved their goal. To their credit, Wong and Yasharpour showed that the Kaifeng Haggadah was an important primary source of Hebraic literature cherished by the Kaifeng Jews and the authors elevated an old Hebrew manuscript to an invaluable primary source for future studies. Tiberiu Weisz, has a Master Degree in Chinese and is a scholar of China and Judaism; He is the author of two books: The Kaifeng Stone Inscriptions (2006) and The Covenant and the Mandate of Heaven (2008). His articles are published in several countries. He taught Classical and Modern Chinese, and is translator from Chinese. http://www.sephardichorizons.org/Volume4/Issue4/Weisz